As Morocco progresses in updating and detailing autonomy, particularly after receiving proposals from political parties and trade union federations, the issue of reconciliation and integration between Sahrawis and returnees raises differences in visions among academics and human rights activists.

While one side supports the implementation of a reconciliation structure and the integration of returnees into public service positions, the other side emphasizes the need to first decide who has the right to return and integrate, given the presence of those involved in the bloodshed of Moroccans, both military and civilian, from the ranks of the Polisario Front, and a large percentage of foreigners from Algeria, Cuba, and sub-Saharan Africa… in the Tindouf camps.

In his speech on the occasion of the issuance of UN Resolution 2797, King Mohammed VI made “a sincere appeal to our brothers in the Tindouf camps to seize this historic opportunity to reunite with their families, and what autonomy offers, to contribute to managing their local affairs, developing their homeland, and building their future, within the framework of a unified Morocco.”

King Mohammed VI added: “As the King of the country, the guarantor of the rights and freedoms of citizens, I affirm that all Moroccans are equal, there is no difference between those returning from the Tindouf camps and their brothers inside the homeland.”

The Moroccan Association for Citizenship and Human Rights proposed, in a memorandum on autonomy prepared “according to a human rights approach,” the creation of a “Sahrawi Reconciliation and Development Authority” concerned with “addressing the effects of the separation,” “providing psycho-social support to returnees,” resolving “tribal conflicts and strengthening social cohesion,” and called for “integrating returnees into regional public jobs.”

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Abbas Al-Wardi, a political analyst and professor of international law at Mohammed V University in Rabat, said that “complete consistency with the dynamics of the combination related to implementing autonomy on the ground requires that it be consolidated with a set of measures accompanying the return of our brothers from the camps of shame in Tindouf, and framing the process of their integration without discrimination between them and their fellow citizens in the rest of the homeland.”

In a statement to Hespress, El Ouardi recalled that “His Majesty King Mohammed VI’s speech, mentioned above, affirmed that our brothers returning from the Tindouf camps will enjoy the same rights and conditions related to citizenship as other Moroccan citizens,” explaining that “this royal direction sends a strong signal to implement a set of mechanisms that facilitate the integration and assimilation of those returning from the camps.”

The same political analyst stated that “all indicators confirm that the framework for the integration of returnees from the Tindouf camps will be unique, whether at the economic, social, or legal level, as well as in terms of creating a supportive structure, whether at the level of central national institutions or regional institutions.”

Al-Wardi pointed to “the expectation of giving a large space to the voices of the Sahrawi tribal elders to resolve this issue, alongside the state institutions.”

Necessary conditions

Mohammed Nashtaoui, an expert in international relations, said that “Morocco, through His Majesty, has affirmed its policy of extending a hand to the Sahrawi refugees who are alienated from their homeland, Morocco,” explaining that “the saying of the late King Hassan II, ‘The homeland is forgiving and merciful,’ must be the basis for negotiations on who can form part of the ruling authority in the southern provinces.”

In contrast, Nashtawi explained to Hespress that “the challenges associated with the autonomy initiative are numerous and vary between constitutional, organizational, legal, legislative and security. For example: how will those who took up arms against Morocco be dealt with? Those who were involved in killing Moroccan civilians and soldiers? And will the powers that will be granted to the southern provinces be within a regional or federal framework or in other forms such as the Spanish or German model? Indeed, some have even spoken of the Hong Kong model?”

In this regard, the international relations expert considered that the aforementioned proposals “attempt to twist the hands of the public authorities in order to curb the nature and mechanisms of their dealings with Sahrawi refugees,” and continued: “I think the priority is to work with those concerned to disavow the consequences of belonging to the Polisario.”

In this regard, Nashtawi cited “a report by the Spanish intelligence services revealing that the number of Sahrawis present in the Tindouf camps does not exceed 1,819 people, or 2 percent of the Tindouf camps, while the vast majority of the rest in those camps are Algerians, Mauritanians, or Cubans.”

“Therefore, it is necessary to know who has the right to return to the homeland,” according to Nashtawi, stressing that “the Moroccan state has the means to filter who can integrate.”

The international relations expert stressed “the need to set conditions and obligations regarding who can return to the homeland, on what basis and under what circumstances,” adding: “Then the public authorities can consult with our brothers in the southern regions regarding the formulation of a formula for governance, whether within the framework of expanded or advanced regionalization, taking into account the principles that the central authorities will retain.”