In the United States, there is a widespread belief that the first phase of the Gaza agreement, based on President Trump's plan, was successful and implemented appropriately, given that it halted the Israeli military machine and coupled this with an Israeli withdrawal to the Yellow Line, which is what actually happened. Conversely, live Israeli captives were exchanged for Palestinian prisoners and detainees, while humanitarian aid began to flow once again into the Gaza Strip. Given that only a few days separate the signing of the agreement, the American assessment can be considered valid, with two reservations regarding the stalled and fabricated crisis—Israeli-led—regarding the return of bodies found under the rubble of Gaza, and Tel Aviv's use of preventing the entry of aid and disrupting the operation of the Rafah crossing as a weapon against what it sees as Hamas's slowness in fulfilling its obligations.
Therefore, through numerous American statements, several priorities emerged that Washington sees as governing the features of the second phase of the agreement. The most important of these are strengthening trust between the Palestinian and Israeli sides and avoiding mutual provocations as much as possible. The continued, uninterrupted increase in the rate of humanitarian aid entry, and the creation of a new mechanism for entry and distribution in coordination with the United Nations, are essential variables in restoring the role of the international community and its active organizations on the ground, following the estrangement adopted by the United States in line with the Israeli vision. This American reconciliation is in the interest of the Palestinians and may represent a breakthrough followed by the return of UNRWA to its influential role in the lives of Palestinians. It appears that this American shift comes after the abusive experience of the so-called Gaza Humanitarian Organization, which cost Washington heavy losses in political, legal, and moral terms.
Among the prominent American priorities for the second phase are establishing a path to disarm Hamas, and another, related path to form an international stabilization force. There is a realistic assessment of these two priorities; Washington recognizes that they are both difficult, but they remain essential to implementing the Trump plan. Washington is well aware, based on its intelligence reports, that the Gaza Strip will not easily give up its weapons all at once. Several factions, led by Hamas, fear inter-Palestinian fighting, given the months of war that produced a society in a deteriorating state of frustration. The resolution of the conflict could open the door to civil war. However, amid complex dynamics that have yet to take shape, the United States and its mediators remain committed to working on this path. From Washington's perspective, the goal will be to achieve a demilitarized Gaza, a goal that has been reiterated more than once. It is a US commitment to Israel and one of the persuasive guarantees it used to urge Tel Aviv to agree to the Trump agreement.
Most of the mediators and guarantors have a clear vision that this step, represented by the unification of arms in the hands of a Palestinian security authority, is the environment capable of moving forward to implement the remaining requirements of the American plan, most importantly reconstruction. Many American officials, including envoy Steve Witkoff, have linked the completion of this step first to the launch of the comprehensive reconstruction mechanism. This is a use of soft pressure on Palestinian public opinion, but it is not devoid of a clear decisiveness, despite the lack of a complete vision for the practical implementation mechanism.
The international stabilization force was agreed upon after the United States received positive responses regarding participation from countries Washington wants to work with in the coming period, most notably Turkey, Indonesia, Egypt, Qatar, the UAE, and Azerbaijan. Technical experts from the three mediation teams are currently working to outline the force's mission, the boundaries of its presence, and the powers of its authorities. A 200-member American force will be deployed in the northern part of the Gaza Strip, undertaking supervision, coordination, and monitoring tasks with the international force already present inside.
Egypt and Jordan have already begun training and qualifying Palestinian security personnel, preparing them to play collaborative security roles with the international force before transferring full powers to it in the future. The US side has emphasized the oversight and intelligence role of the American force, which will ensure that all parties fulfill their obligations and the tasks stipulated in the plan's general framework, as well as what will be agreed upon in the updated executive regulations that the three mediators have begun working on.
The Israeli side believes that these executive regulations are fraught with risks and could harm Israeli interests, given the formation of a new transitional administration to govern Gaza. This administration will assume overall oversight over all proposed issues and processes, including security tasks, humanitarian relief operations, and the removal of rubble and unexploded ordnance. It will also later become involved in reconstruction projects, given that this authority's primary requirement will be for the Israeli army to implement the remaining phases of the withdrawal beyond the Yellow Line.
It is certain that the US administration and the team entrusted with full powers by President Trump personally, as they deal seriously with the thorny issues on the Palestinian side, demonstrate the same degree of firmness regarding Israel's implementation of all its obligations, and are working with mediators and Egypt, exceptionally behind closed doors, to create a special mechanism for every problem that either party poses to the plan's implementation. The features will take shape gradually, based on the general framework and overall objectives of the settlement project. The road is difficult and full of complications, but in reality there is a fundamental change that may draw a new map for the entire conflict. The partnership between the United States, the mediators, and the guarantors will be conducted in isolation from the two parties, or rather at a measured but visible distance, and this is taking place for perhaps the first time in the history of the region.
