(N.A.) - When people talk about a “Pyrrhic victory,” they generally mean that the victory came at the cost of enormous sacrifice and considerable losses and damages for the winner. This can easily be applied to what happened last night, both to the forces of Libertad Avanza (Advance?) and Fuerza Patria.

The closing of the ballot lists for the September 7 elections revealed a completely different landscape than the one Buenos Aires politics was accustomed to. Old logics of power are crumbling, historical figures are losing their centrality, and new leaderships are consolidating, marking the beginning of an uncertain but decisive period for national politics.

Cristina's setback: without proper names or control of the territory

An unexpected postcard: for the first time in two decades, the Kirchner surname was left off the ballot in the province of Buenos Aires. Cristina Fernández failed to impose either candidates or a pace of negotiation. Her lack of leadership became evident when mayors who were once pillars of her national rise ignored her suggestions and moved forward with their own strategies.

The former president, who once commanded Peronism in Buenos Aires with a phone call, today can't even stem the divisions. Máximo Kirchner, a symbol of this deterioration, didn't even participate in the closure in person. He delegated the operation to Mayra Mendoza, while Axel Kicillof threatened to play bystander if his conditions weren't respected. The governor had alternative lists ready to emerge, which illustrates the extent to which the old verticality of Kirchnerism has been blurred.

Even this morning, with the extension of the deadline for submitting lists ordered by the Electoral Court due to power outages, there was still some uncertainty about whether the decision made this morning would ultimately remain in effect.

An electoral map that is being reconfigured

Another key fact that shakes certainties: the Third Electoral Section—historically a Peronist stronghold—no longer guarantees victory. With the demographic and political growth of the First Section, the influence of the southern suburbs is beginning to dilute. Mayors who previously responded without hesitation are now acting autonomously. The territorial unity that sustained the PJ is fragmenting, and with it, its ability to decide elections is also weakening.

The election became an internal battle, not against the libertarians or the PRO, but between Peronists who no longer automatically align themselves behind a leader. And amid this confusion, the perception is growing that Cristina is saying goodbye not only to control of the lists, but also to the future of provincial Peronism.

Karina Milei, the big silent winner

Meanwhile, at the other end of the spectrum, Karina Milei is emerging as the figure who achieved what many underestimated: organizing La Libertad Avanza in the province with absolute control over the closure. The Secretary General of the Presidency not only imposed candidates but also negotiated with the PRO from a position of strength, prioritizing her own or related figures such as Diego Valenzuela and Guillermo Montenegro.

The Big Loser was Santiago Caputo, once a strategist and leading figure of the libertarian movement, and today relegated in the face of the unstoppable advance of the"Boss."

The tensions that have been developing between the two since the very moment the future political map began to be constructed erupted last night, but they had already been a reality long before then.

While Karina intends to go all out and impose her criteria by filling all the spaces with as many"libertarians" as possible, or at least those who unquestioningly subordinate to that line, Caputo has long maintained that it was necessary to maintain the lines with the allies, because"even winning in October will not allow us to govern without their support."

In the end, the bidding turned to the most logical side, if we take into account what Karina means to Milei, despite the fact that not long ago someone close to the presidential circle defined her as"an elephant in a bazaar."

In terms of decisions, the case of Maximiliano Bondarenko—a former Buenos Aires police commissioner who will head the list in the Third Section—sets the tone for the campaign: security, order, and a response to social discontent. While Kirchnerism becomes entangled in ideological debates without solutions, the libertarians advance with a direct message, backed by the social context.

Karina didn't act alone. Martín Menem and Eduardo"Lule" Menem supported her every step of the way. Together, they displaced the influence of Santiago Caputo, the architect of the presidential campaigns, who was absent from this final campaign. The famous iron triangle of libertarian power is fading, with Karina consolidating her position as the real axis of decision-making.

Milei, the PRO and a worrying economy

Javier Milei, for his part, observed everything from the economic perspective. While his traders defined the lists, he closely monitored the market: the financial dollars that remain unyielding, the persistent inflation, the issuance of debt that is being contained with debt placements, and the rumors about possible tougher measures if the monetary front doesn't stabilize.

What happens in the local elections will directly impact the ruling party's ability to protect the president, block unfavorable laws, and sustain vetoes. Therefore, the Buenos Aires elections, which in other contexts would have been secondary, are crucial today.

The PRO, between confusion and survival

On the yellow side, the signals are confusing. Mauricio Macri traveled abroad and delegated the closing of the deal to Cristian Ritondo and Diego Santilli. Some PRO mayors backed away from the agreement with LLA, while others accepted it without enthusiasm. The PRO brand seems to be fading in the libertarian purple, and it is unclear whether this is part of a larger strategy or a reflection of a structural weakness.

For now, Macri is calling for"teamwork," but not much more. The future of the PRO party is in suspense, as if waiting for the results of the elections to determine whether it will definitively join Milei's project or seek to reinvent itself on its own.

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