Caracas. I am in Venezuela to present, at the Caracas Book Fair, my new work:"The Infinite Conversation" (Acirema Publishers), a compilation of interviews with ten geniuses. I arrive here at a particular moment because this country could be attacked at any time. Indeed, since last August, Washington has been accumulating a colossal military force on the shores of Venezuelan territorial waters, which was recently completed by the arrival of the aircraft carrier USS Gerald R. Ford, the largest and most modern in its Navy. This super-ship and its strike group join a flotilla of destroyers, cruisers, submarines, warplanes, military drones, special operations units, and marines already deployed in the area, including El Salvador, Panama, and Puerto Rico. The total number of troops ready to attack now exceeds 15,000 combatants in the largest US military deployment since the first Gulf War in 1990. Furthermore, President Donald Trump admitted on October 14th to having authorized covert CIA operations in Venezuelan territory. The Republican president justifies this unusual concentration of forces by claiming it is a"mission to combat drug cartels" whose trafficking causes a high number of overdose deaths in his country. But the US intelligence community itself has reiterated that these deaths are primarily caused by fentanyl, an opioid that originates in Mexico, not Venezuela. Regarding cocaine trafficking routes, all studies conducted by the most reputable research agencies also insist that 90% of the cocaine destined for the US passes through the Pacific, not the Caribbean or Venezuela.
This evidence did not prevent the US government from initiating, starting on September 2nd, a series of murders against civilians traveling aboard vessels described without evidence as"narco-boats," which were destroyed by the US armed forces.
Donald Trump repeatedly claims that his military can legally kill people suspected of drug trafficking because they are"enemy soldiers." But this is false. From the perspective of U.S. domestic law, Congress has not authorized any armed conflict and has not even confirmed that a drug cartel can be labeled"terrorist." International organizations such as the United Nations have described these illegal actions as "extrajudicial killings" and have denounced "violations of international law," calling for a halt to these bombings and for guarantees that human rights are respected.
All of this has been unsuccessful. To date, the American military has destroyed some twenty vessels and killed approximately eighty people without providing any evidence of a crime, without any legal proceedings taking place, and without any declaration of war from the United States Congress.
In this context of intense pressure and dangerous threats, I landed in Caracas. To my surprise, from Altamira Square to the bustling markets of La Hoyada and El Cementerio, everything was calm, serene, and normal. The city was clean, more beautiful than ever, landscaped, illuminated, and decorated for the New Year's festivities. I visited a few shopping malls—Sambil, Tolón, and San Ignacio—and observed a festive atmosphere of consumerism, with cafe terraces overflowing. I didn't witness any panic buying. Nor did I observe any anxiety, nervousness, or fear among the crowds.
I drive through the maze of urban highways and perceive no militarization whatsoever, no atmosphere of a city under siege awaiting bombardment... There are no Jersey-style fortifications on the roads, for example, no Hesco barriers, no checkpoints, no visible soldiers... I don't see tanks, armored vehicles, or combat vehicles. Traffic flows freely throughout the capital. In short, if the intention of the US authorities was to instill panic in the people of Caracas, the operation is a complete failure.
I spoke with several friends, including businesspeople and foreign diplomats. They all agreed that it was a time of high tension, but that citizens were continuing to lead perfectly normal lives. They also emphasized that the authorities had the enthusiastic support of their Bolivarian supporters but were striving to instill calm and avoid unnecessarily alarming the population.
One morning, I was told that President Nicolás Maduro would be receiving me and that he had invited me to accompany him on a visit to a commune. I left immediately. It was in Cagua, in the state of Aragua, an hour and a half from Caracas by highway. We arrived in the La Segundera neighborhood, on the outskirts of town; a beautiful residential area with single-story houses surrounded by gardens full of flowering wallflowers. I was impressed by the beauty and splendor of the trees: samans, mahogany, ceibas, cedars... This commune is called"General Rafael Urdaneta" and it is the four thousandth.
Since 2010, with the famous cry of"Commune or nothing!", Hugo Chávez envisioned the political project of the new"communal state." That is, the democratic state of people's power... Since then, the creation of communes has multiplied. These are"a form of organization and citizen participation where communities self-manage and make decisions about their local development through bodies such as the Communal Parliament and the Communal Economic Council." The communes are autonomous, self-governing, and, as President Maduro has reiterated:"No governor, no mayor, no minister can attempt to colonize the communes. The communes must be autonomous, their own, self-governing, powerful, free, sovereign, and rebellious. They cannot allow themselves to be colonized by anyone."
It's a sunny and very hot afternoon. It's 33 degrees Celsius in the shade. Upon arriving, I'm surprised by the calm and emptiness of the streets. Usually, when the president is coming anywhere, the streets fill with boisterous crowds, and from afar you can hear the shouts and clamor of fervent supporters. Here, silence reigns. Security is minimalist. At least on the surface. A man in civilian clothes, discreetly armed, here. Another there. A third on a corner... Nothing that would attract attention. I imagine it's designed so that, from the US military observation satellites, no unusual influx of people can be detected...
Suddenly, the president arrives. I don't know where he left his car... He's walking, without any security detail, accompanied only by four or five assistants and staff. He doesn't look worried or anxious at all. He's in spectacular physical shape. He's agile, dynamic, and active. He's greeted by the very young governor of the state, Joana Sánchez, and the Minister of Communes, Ángel Prado. The members of the commune—almost all women—rush to welcome him with enthusiasm and affection. They surround him, hug him, and cheer him.
During the long weeks of this grueling crisis, the president has strived, with courage and determination, to continue fulfilling his presidential schedule. This is despite the new and stringent security precautions he must now take, as a reward of fifty million dollars has been placed on his head for information leading to his capture or assassination. It is a challenge issued to his powerful enemies and their considerable technological capabilities. No one here has forgotten how, five years ago, near Baghdad airport in Iraq, these same adversaries, in a lightning-fast, precision strike, assassinated Iranian General Qassem Soleimani.
That's why I admire with even greater admiration Nicolás Maduro's composure as he walks confidently, laughing, under the blazing sun, interacting with all the community members with complete ease. The president inaugurates a small comprehensive diagnostic medical center, delivers new equipment for the maternity ward, tours a renovated Mercal supermarket, presents a water purification plant and a beauty salon, and warmly greets a group of young athletes on a refurbished baseball field. Then, in the shade of some leafy mango trees, he begins a long and engaging two-hour meeting with the community members, broadcast live on public television.
At the end of this intimate and close encounter, the president, a devout Christian, presented the community with a beautiful painting depicting the two newly canonized Venezuelan saints, recently canonized by Pope Leo XIV: Saint José Gregorio Hernández, the"doctor of the poor," and Saint Carmen Rendiles,"servant of Jesus." Finally, on behalf of the Republic, the president surprised the entire population of La Segundera with a gleaming ambulance, which was received by the crowd with shouts of enthusiasm and cries of jubilation.
The event has ended. Surrounded and embraced by the community members who want to take a picture with him, the president discreetly signals me to approach his vehicle, parked about five meters away. He finally manages to escape the effusive crowd and gets into the driver's seat. I get in next to him through the opposite door. No bodyguards are with us. The president starts the car, and for an hour and a half we are able to talk quietly about this crucial moment in Venezuela's history.
I have known Nicolás Maduro for about twenty years, since he was the brilliant foreign minister of the Bolivarian Revolution. I have always appreciated his modesty, his astonishing intelligence, his great political culture, his commitment to dialogue and negotiation, his firm loyalty to progressive values and principles, his keen sense of humor, his austere view of life rooted in his humble origins, and his unwavering fidelity to Commander Hugo Chávez.
I ask him how he interprets the current context of pressure, slander, and threats against Venezuela. As he drives carefully in the gentle Aragua twilight, he tells me:
They have gone to great lengths to craft a new narrative—that of"narco-terrorism"—but, at its core, it's the same thing they've always done: create a pretext to kill a hope. Remember, for example, that in 1954, they accused Jacobo Árbenz, the democratically elected president of Guatemala, of being a"communist" because he had implemented a modest agrarian reform. They orchestrated a coup, a military intervention, and overthrew him. Several decades later, they apologized, acknowledging that Árbenz was not a communist and that they had made a mistake...
Ten years later, in 1964, in Brazil, they did the same thing to President João Goulart... And they apologized again a few decades later... And in 1965, they did the same thing again in the Dominican Republic with President Juan Bosch. They accused him of being a"communist," invaded the country with some 20,000 marines and OAS forces. And many years later, they again acknowledged that Juan Bosch was a true democrat and that the invasion was a mistake. And in 1973, the same script in Chile, against President Salvador Allende. And the same belated apologies.
Outside of Latin America, they have applied the same criminal formula. For example, in Iran, in 1953, they overthrew Mohammed Mossadegh because he nationalized the oil industry. They accused him of being a"communist," but he was a democrat, as all historians now acknowledge. But that crime destabilized Iran and the Middle East to this day. How many wars? How many millions of deaths since then?
Since the Cold War ended in 1989, they invent other pretexts. Everyone remembers, for example, the lies about Iraq in 2003 with the supposed"weapons of mass destruction" that never existed. They themselves have ended up admitting it.
Today, they have concocted a new narrative, that of"narco-terrorism," as deceitful as those that came before. That is why I say: let's not wait decades to admit a falsehood. Acknowledge it now. And let's avoid confrontations, devastation, and needless tragedies. We trust in God, and we will always strive for dialogue, negotiation, and peace.
Mobilization with patriotic fervor
- What if they take action?
God forbid. We are ready to engage in dialogue and defend peace. But we have also prepared for any contingency. We have urged all our popular, social, political, military, and police forces not to fall for provocations at any time, but if they want to come and kill a Christian people here in South America, we call on our citizens to mobilize with patriotic fervor, which is our legitimate and sovereign right.
I have already said that if they were to take action in an attempt to destabilize Venezuela, from that very moment the order for mobilization and combat operations of the entire people would be decreed, and the Venezuelan working class would begin an insurrectionary general strike.
And I'll add this: we are determined to be free. No foreign power will impose its will on our sovereign nation. But if they break the peace and persist in their neocolonial intentions, they are in for a huge surprise. I pray that this doesn't happen, because—I repeat—they are in for a major shock. We want peace, but we are prepared. Very well prepared, for any eventuality. They have been warned.
- Their enemies have a powerful Fifth Column within Venezuela. The extreme right, and even a segment of the right, will likely not hesitate to ally themselves with the invaders if they finally decide to cross the Rubicon. Don't you think so?
"It's not that powerful... Its allies abroad are. But here they have very little support. Don't believe what some international media outlets repeat. That 'battered right wing,' as I call it, is above all very disloyal, very traitorous. Because you have to be truly despicable and utterly vile to desire and demand that a foreign power invade your homeland and steal from the people, from your fellow citizens, the wealth that belongs to everyone. It's the most despicable thing imaginable in politics. They're vermin. And it's true that some are maneuvering to help the enemy."
In early October, for example, we discovered that extremist sectors of this local right wing were preparing a false flag attack with lethal explosives against the United States embassy in Caracas. Their plan was to then blame our government for the attack through the mass media and provoke a military escalation. Thanks to our intelligence services, we were able to uncover the plot and warn the US authorities through diplomatic intermediaries. We provided them with all the details: the names of the individuals involved, their surnames, the times of the meetings, the type of explosive—everything. The worst was averted.
A few weeks later, on October 26, we captured a group of three mercenaries linked to the CIA who were also preparing to carry out a false flag operation in the waters of Trinidad and Tobago, launching an attack against that country with the aim of provoking an armed response against Venezuela and requesting assistance from the U.S. Navy. There, too, we were able to prevent escalation and dismantle the conspiracy.
Unfortunately, this hasn't always been the case. Let's remember that the coup attempt against Chávez on April 11, 2002, was triggered by a"false flag" attack at Puente Llaguno in Caracas, when gunmen hired by the opposition fired on right-wing protesters, killing nineteen and wounding one hundred and twenty-seven...
Another example is that of December 6, 2002, in Caracas, when the right wing organized a large anti-Chávez rally in Altamira Square and suddenly a man armed with a pistol appeared and began shooting into the crowd. He killed three people and wounded twenty-nine others. Everything seemed to indicate that he was a"Chávez supporter" targeting Chávez's opponents. But the man was arrested. He was a Portuguese citizen, José de Gouveia, who had arrived in Caracas the day before from Lisbon. He had been hired by agents of the opposition itself to carry out this"false flag" attack with the intention of provoking a popular uprising against the government. Thank God, we were able to dismantle this criminal plot in time. But yes, unfortunately, this is the usual modus operandi of this opposition, which has betrayal tattooed on its soul.
Night has fallen. And it's starting to drizzle. Traffic is quite heavy heading towards the capital. We're not in a presidential motorcade. Nor are there any motorcyclists leading the way. Just one unmarked vehicle precedes us, carrying a few plainclothes bodyguards. We're blending in with the usual traffic. Nicolás Maduro is driving calmly. He shows no signs of anxiety or fatigue, although he confesses that he hasn't had lunch and it's already pitch black... I notice he's very focused; he displays an impressive composure, despite the increasingly blatant threats.
What, in your opinion, explains this sudden and brutal aggression from the enemy?
What we are actually witnessing is an attempt to reposition the United States as hegemonic power within a geopolitical context that has changed significantly since China's impressive rise to power and the emergence of the BRICS as a global decision-making force. Washington's global hegemony is increasingly challenged by these emerging powers. In this new context, the White House and the Pentagon have decided to first reinforce the security theater closest to the United States, namely Latin America and the Caribbean, their former"backyard"... This is about reaffirming their dominance over a region that, for 150 years and since the Monroe Doctrine [1823], Washington has considered a kind of"exclusive protectorate," with "limited sovereignty" for the countries in that area, including Venezuela. This is a region that the State Department also considered, since 1945 and the end of World War II, as a kind of"strategic rear guard."
What this new administration wants, by pressuring and threatening Venezuela, is to send a political message of strength and dominance to all the states of the continent. They are saying,"We have returned! The Empire has returned, and we are going to reoccupy our central and dominant position on this continent!" But time has passed, and as I said before, the geopolitical context is no longer the same. The era of gunboat diplomacy is over. So is the era of coups and military interventions. The times of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt will not return. No matter how much nostalgia the White House may harbor for them...
The new international order is increasingly multipolar and multicentric. Power centers have multiplied, and now there is something that did not exist before: the Global South. Venezuela is part of this Global South and has numerous powerful allies. And the consolidation of these new centers of power inevitably erodes the geopolitical influence of the United States.
That is why they would like to make an example of Venezuela. To discourage alternative alliances and contain the expansion of other BRICS powers—China, Russia, and India—in this region. The neo-imperialists in Washington wish to reestablish exclusive political and military control over this continent to regain control over Latin America's major strategic resources, such as oil, gas, copper, lithium, rare earth elements, and water. They will not succeed. The clock of history does not turn back. And however strong their imperial nostalgia may be, stronger still is the yearning for freedom and sovereignty of our peoples.
We're in Caracas now. Under a light, intermittent drizzle, we're driving along the endless urban highways of this chaotic yet strangely endearing capital, navigating through horrendous traffic jams. Any other driver would lose their temper. But not the president, who seems to be in his element. Wasn't he, for so many years, a bus driver stuck in these apocalyptic gridlock? He drives calmly, phlegmatically, while clearly explaining his geopolitical analysis. Driving relaxes him.
Suddenly, as we turn a corner, he enters through a gate into the courtyard of a modest house. We've arrived. We get out. There are large canapés set up outdoors. We sit down to have a glass of water. Several advisors approach, phones in hand. We say goodbye, but not before taking some photos with him for this report. He agrees, as always, with kindness and a smile. We leave with a pang in our hearts. Seeing our friend Nicolás Maduro, serious and focused, standing there alone in the beautiful Caracas night, facing with immense courage the greatest and most dangerous global crisis of our time.
